Asisat Oshoala’s Brouhaha

Published

on

By

Religion apart, the dressing of a woman is always a sociocultural topic in our clime. Whereas a man can yank off his top to do chores or his daily job in public, a woman can hardly do that lest she would be considered to have either gone bonkers or has gone morally bankrupt.

Asisat’s triumphant jubilation that has sparked religious debates and even insults upon Islam should be viewed against the backdrop of its spontaneity of it. The lady is one of the most capped players on the team, and she is the most popular African female football player. In her career, she is known to have sometimes celebrated her goals by doing the “Scud”, an aspect of the Muslim prayer involving dropping on one’s knees with the forehead touching the ground. It’s an act that is not strange to all the Abrahamic religions. But in this one incredible moment when the Super Falcons scored a further lead against the more fancied Aussies, Asisat did what many footballers do out of pure elation when they score. Pull off the shirt. Among males, it’s a common sight. Among females, it is a very rare and often strange sight. The reason for this is a no-brainer. Women have a lot more to cover under basic rules of decency than men. You can’t even equate the “kiss my a*s” gesture of pulling down the trousers by a man with that of a woman. They are poles apart.

So, Asisat, a Muslim, pulled off her jersey to reveal a sport chest strap (not a bra per se) in a delirious goal celebration and then dropped down to do the “sujud” a while after. Take it or leave it, that’s an objectionable act in Islam. It being a talking point is absolutely normal, and even her biological father expressed his displeasure about it. She has even apologized to her father about it. Forget the issue of hypocrisy. That’s a universal human attribute. It still doesn’t mean people shouldn’t try to promote what is right and object to what is wrong.

I guess coming on the heels of the rather excessive criticism of Davido over a dance-in-a-mosque video and the Ilorin Muslims/Traditionalists impasse (for which I hold the firm opinion that freedom of religion is a constitutional right), many people have had enough of the fundamentalist views coming from certain Muslim quarters, hence the counter-attacks directed at those doing the condemnation. Why always the Muslims?

Asisat did what she did in the heat of the moment. From the Islamic point of view, it is wrong. There are no two ways about it.However, the criticisms must be temperate, especially in consideration of the fact that it happened during a sports event that brought so much joy to Nigerians.

When all the dust settles, the moral angle will still be on the horizon. Many people doing the counter-attacks will be embarrassed if their daughters are clad in only bras in public. So what’s the fuss about? In the grand scheme of things, what I see is a lack of appreciation of spontaneity on a football pitch by some Muslims on the one hand and the “they-have-come-again” mentality from those who are always alarmed when fundamentalist Muslim opinion rents the air on the other hand.

Muideen Olagunju, a lawyer and politician, writes from Ibadan, Oyo State.

Afenifere breaks silence, knocks Tinubu’s govt over ‘insensitive fuel subsidy removal

Loyalty for sale | By Muftau Gbadegesin

Federal Polytechnic Ayede holds maiden matriculation tomorrow

Reactions as Tinubu assures civil servants of upward salary review

Tinubu’s student loan initiative revolutionise education financing in Nigeria | By Oroge Solomon

The hell awaiting Davido and Asisat Oshoala

Published

on

By

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu -led administration has taken a momentous step towards transforming Nigeria’s education system by signing the Student Loan Bill into law. This historic move demonstrates the government’s commitment to providing equal access to quality education for all Nigerians, particularly those from disadvantaged backgrounds. By enabling poor and vulnerable students to access loans to finance their education, President Tinubu has paved the way for a brighter future for countless individuals and the nation as a whole.

Historical development of student loan systems in Nigeria and why they failed?

The historical development of the student loan systems in Nigeria dates back to 1974 when the Federal Military Government, headed by General Yakubu Gowon, introduced a student loan programme. This initiative aimed to provide financial support to students pursuing higher education in order to alleviate the burden of education costs.

In 1974, the federal military government of General Yakubu Gowon, promulgated the Nigerian Students’ Loans Board decree to provide funding to Nigerian students based on loans repayable in 20 years after graduation.

In decree No. 50 of 1993, the federal government promulgated another legislation to establish the Nigerian Education Bank. And in the year 2004, the University autonomy bill was passed, which vested in the university governing councils the rights of employers of staff of universities.

The 1974 legislation is the biggest example of these federal laws because it was actually put into effect and students benefited immensely from the funding relief that resulted from the implementation of the provisions of the decree.

However, over the years, this system has faced numerous challenges and ultimately failed to meet its objectives.

One of the main reasons for the failure of the student loan system was the lack of proper administration and accountability. The loan funds were mismanaged, leading to a high rate of default by students who were unable to repay their loans upon completing their studies.

Furthermore, the loan application process was often characterized by favouritism, corruption, and long delays, which discouraged many students from applying or pursuing higher education altogether.

The Student Loan Programme: Learning from Advanced Countries:

To understand the potential impact of the newly introduced student loan system, we can look to the experiences of advanced countries such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom. In these nations, student loans have played a crucial role in expanding access to higher education, empowering students to pursue their dreams, and driving economic growth.

To address the challenges and ensure the success of the newly introduced students loan system, it is crucial for the Nigerian government to learn from the experiences of advanced countries such as the United Kingdom, the United States, and Europe. In these countries, the student loan systems operate with a more streamlined approach. They offer low-interest loans, flexible repayment models, and robust financial counseling services. Such measures assist students in managing their loan repayments effectively after graduation.

By following their examples, Nigeria can significantly enhance its education sector and propel its development.

Benefits of the Student Loan System in Nigeria

The introduction of the student loan system in Nigeria brings numerous benefits to students, parents, and the educational sector, including:

Increased Access

The loan Programme will provide financial resources and enable impoverished students to pursue higher education opportunities they previously could not afford.

Equal Opportunities

It will help level the playing field by ensuring that all students, regardless of their socioeconomic background, have an equal chance at success.

Empowerment and Social Mobility

The loans will empower students to pursue careers based on passion and aptitude rather than financial constraints, resulting in increased social mobility.

Enhanced Quality of Education

The increased funding will help improve infrastructure, attract and retain high-quality facility, and provide better resources for teaching and research.

Entrepreneurial Growth

The student loan system will nurture an entrepreneurial ecosystem by enabling students to launch their ventures without financial burdens.

Strengthened Workforce

Equipping students with the necessary skills and qualifications will lead to the creation of a highly skilled and competitive workforce.

Economic Development

The loan system will stimulate economic growth by fostering technological advancements and innovation through well-educated graduates.

Talent Retention

It will minimize brain drain by offering financial support to talented students, thereby encouraging them to contribute to their home country’s development.

Reduced Poverty

Access to education through student loan can break the cycle of poverty by empowering individuals to earn higher incomes and uplift their families.

Social Cohesion

A well-funded education system promotes social cohesion, inclusivity, and national unity, fostering sustainable development and harmony.

Challenges and Solutions

While it is essential to recognise the enormous potential of the student loan system, it is also crucial to anticipate challenges and learn from the experiences of other countries. Various issues may arise, such as repayment difficulties, default rates, and sustainability concerns. Nigerian policymakers should study successful models and implement best practices to overcome these challenges.

The New Approach and the Way Forward:

The student loan system in Nigeria has witnessed both successes and failures. However, with a comprehensive understanding of the challenges faced, the adoption of successful models from advanced countries, and the implementation of reforms in the new system, Nigeria can pave the way for a more effective and accessible student loan system.

The historical development of the student loan system in Nigeria showed that it has always been marred by mismanagement, corruption, and inefficiencies. However, with the recent introduction of a new system by President Bola Tinubu, there is hope for a successful student loan Programme.

To avoid the pitfalls of the previous system, this initiative must prioritise certain key aspects.

By addressing issues of transparency, accountability, and streamlining the application process, the new system can avoid the pitfalls of its predecessor and effectively support students in accessing higher education.

To be specific, In order for this new system to succeed, the following crucial aspects need to be addressed.

Firstly, there should be sufficient funding allocation to accommodate a larger number of beneficiaries.

There is a need to be a transparent and efficient administration of the funds, ensuring that the loans are disbursed to deserving students and monitored to prevent mismanagement or corruption.

The application process for student loans should be streamlined, eliminating favouritism and reducing delays. It is essential to ensure that loans are granted based on merit and financial need, rather than other extraneous factors. Ensuring a simplified application process, timely disbursements, transparency, and accountability can boost the confidence of potential applicants.

The new system should prioritise educating students on the responsibilities and consequences of taking on a loan, encouraging financial literacy and responsible borrowing.

The new system should adopt flexible repayment plans tailored to the individual circumstances of borrowers.

Collaborations between the government, financial institutions, and educational institutions are also essential for the success of this system. Citizen Collaboration and Stakeholder engagement in order to achieve the objectives of the student loan system is inevitable. Citizens can provide support through scholarships, mentorship programme, and donations to the fund. Educational institutions can ensure transparency in admissions and make necessary adjustments to facilitate the effective implementation of the loan system.

Lastly, the government must appoint competent professionals to head and manage the student loan agency commission to guarantee efficiency, transparency, and financial sustainability.

President Tinubu’s visionary leadership has set Nigeria on a transformative path towards an inclusive and progressive education system through the introduction of student loan. With careful planning, collaboration, and the adoption of best practices, Nigeria can ensure the successful implementation and sustainability of this groundbreaking initiative. Together, we can empower future generations, drive economic growth, and create a brighter future for all Nigerians.

Oroge Solomon, is the Chief Executive Officer of Debt Doctors Consulting Services International Limited, a firm specialising in credit, debt, and financial advisory services.

08023551457, [email protected]

Published

on

By

When Pakistani medical student, Salman Ahmad, stood up to twiddle his guitar, to the delight of all, at a student talent show event in a Lahore hotel in 1980, he was oblivious of the raging silent war between religion, music and sports. As he sang, a Pakistani fanatic dashed to the stage, snatched Ahmad’s Gibson Les Paul guitar from around his neck and smashed it into smithereens. Nothing happened. The fanatic could not understand Ahmad’s temerity of playing rock music or music in general which Arabs potentates of the Islamic religion once referred to as “a prompting of the Devil” and an affront on Islam. As if leaving frying pan for fire, Ahmad recoiled off music to his other passion of playing cricket. He got it to the highest octave, even playing alongside Imran Khan, Pakistani cricket World Cup player.

Not satisfied with himself, Ahmad made a momentary return to the “prompting of the Devil” on a cricket tour of Bangladesh. He then began to combine classic rock and blues, mixing them with the mystical music and poetry of Islamic Sufism, to form a blend of what he called “Sufi rock”. Under threats from the military regime of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, Ahmad went underground. To Islamists, Zia-ul-Haq got praises for his “de-secularization efforts and stern opposition to Western culture.” To the world out there however, Zia-ul-Haq was authoritarian, especially in his press censorship, religious intolerance and weakening of Pakistani democracy. Upon his death, Ahmad became a celebrated rock star and his songs, a representation of a progressive Pakistan. As he wrote in his biography, Rock and Roll Jihad, it became a life struggle for him to get music positioned as an integral and crucial part of Islam.

Popular American-Nigerian singer, David Adeleke, last week had a brush with his own Pakistani fanatics as he courted the intolerance of Muslim youths. For his temerity at sharing his musical video, Jaye lo on his social media handles, the penalty was a quaint colouring of the social media with hate against his person and music. A Muslim group even set his posters ablaze as a representation of their anger. Davido had misrepresented Islam as the preoccupation of sybarites, they alleged. The Jaye Lo video had backup singers dressed as Muslim faithful, in white flowing apparel and cap. All of a sudden, the group transmuted into hip-hop music dancers. Davido himself sat on a building that looked like the roof of a mosque, complete with a loudspeaker, like a muezzin. The video immediately sparked outrage and divided opinions. How dare Davido drag the holy religion into such typecast of a mundane, pleasure-seeking, dancing groove? By such representation, Davido had painted pagan image of Islam and mis-situated the religion in an imagery of carnal engagement.

The same week, at the Brisbane Stadium in Australia, while Nigerians momentarily forgot the harrowing pain inflicted on them by their new rulers and were wrapped up in celebration of the country’s win in the women World Cup football event, the “prompting of the Devil” debate returned at full throttle. Apparently overtly animated by her 72nd minute maverick shot that netted a third goal for Nigeria against Australia, Super Falcons’ Asisat Oshoala pulled off her shirt, leaving almost her lingerie.

The Oshoala celebratory pull of shirt has since provoked a huge hoopla. Social media went abuzz with back-and-forth conversations wrapped round the act. Photos of Oshoala, a Muslim, praying and wrapped up in the Islamic Hijab, sprung up. She was not only exposed to sexualizing diatribes, Muslims weaponized religion to cast her in the mould of an infidel.

From the time of the earliest theology, theologians of all religions have had dissenting opinions about music. Questions asked are, what is music’s place in religious rituals? Is music beneficial to the soul? Does it encroach on the boundary of morals? Is the problem strictly with some musical instruments? The bata, for instance, an ancient drum associated with the liturgy of traditional religious worship, is frowned at in some churches till date. What occasions and times should particular music be played? Are some genders morally and spiritually unsuitable for some music? And in sports, which require terse dressing to ensure easy movement of concerned sport persons, should female gender sport adherents be part of it and if they are, should they too be tersely clad like their male counterparts?

When traditional African Yoruba music genres of Sakara, Apala, Fuji and Waka began to emerge in the early 18th century, they faced strict censure from their listening audience. Most of them had mutated from the Islamic liturgical practice of Ajisari music used to wake Islamic faithful during the fasting period. Though mostly in the form of praise songs and engendered by traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin and a tambourine-like small, round sakara drum hit with a stick, as well as agidigbo, the music’s Arabic ancestry manifested in its traditional percussion instruments which were very implicit. Abibu Oluwa, who pioneered Sakara in the 1930s; Jibowu Barrister of Fuji, Haruna Ishola of Apala and all who came immediately after them faced critics who claimed that they were polluting the Islamic faith with their songs. This necessitated a defence made into a track in an early musical career song of Ayinla Omowura. Alcohol and not music pollutes Islam because even Arabs who lived in Mecca, Ayinla sang, are involved in music. He sang: Ara Mon…Ara Monka ns’esin/Ilu o b’esin je o, oti ma lo b’esin je…

While in 2003 or 2004, a minor city in Sweden was faced with the row of a woman who got converted to Islam but decided to engage in a legal battle to get her 7-year-old son exempted from music instruction in school, Islam wasn’t the sole attacker of music. American pop musician, Marvin Gaye’s death revealed this. He had had bitter childhood rancour with his father. However, on April 1, 1984, his Christian Minister and strict disciplinarian father committed filicide by shooting him twice in the heart at their Western Heights neighbourhood house in Los Angeles, California. Gay Snr. highly disapproved of his son’s “sexual ambiguity”, with widespread rumour that the hip-hop musician was a homosexual. Gaye was also a user of hard drugs and had gone paranoid and suicidal before he met his untimely death at the age of 45. Indeed, traces of cocaine were found in a later autopsy conducted on his corpse. The older Gay highly excoriated Gaye’s career in music and was more resentful that Gaye was closer to his mother Alberta, especially when the musician became the breadwinner for the family. Marvin’s highly successful but sexually explicit Sexual Healing track, from the album, Midnight Love further put a wedge between father and son. How could the son of a Minister sing such song?

Over centuries, Islamic scholars have debated the propriety of music to the religion. Islamic scholars, in the Hadith collections of the late 8th and early 9th centuries, said that even Muhammed was ambivalent about music, shunning and embracing it as inherently haram or as halal. Islamic scholars who preach tolerant views on music say that even in the Qur’an, the prophet never gave a clear statement on music whenever he described social life or gave advice on morals. In a particular Hadith, Muhammed was said to have encouraged songs at weddings, though also prophesying that, at the end of time, music would become one of the signs of moral chaos. Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi (d. 940) while discussing music in Kitab al-‘iqd al-farid (The Book of the Unique Necklace), which is regarded as one of the oldest surviving texts in Islam, had been quoted to have said: “And sometimes one apprehends the blessings of this world and the next through beautiful melodies. And a proof of that is that they induce generosities of character in performing kindness, and observing family ties, and defending one’s honour, and overlooking faults. And sometimes man will weep over his sins through them, and the heart will be softened from its hardness, and man will remember the joys of the Kingdom [of Heaven], and image it in his mind.” Umayyad Caliph ibn Walid (d. 744) renowned for his asceticism, was quoted to have said, on the reverse: “O, Umaiyads, avoid singing for it decreases shame, increases desire, and destroys manliness, and verily it takes the place of wine and does what drunkenness does. But if you must engage in it, keep the women and children away from it, for singing is the instigator of fornication.”

It was apparently this attitude that Nigerian Netizens took to attacking the duo of Davido and Oshoala last week. Some said that since African values frown at nudity, Oshoala shouldn’t have pulled off her shirt. Did African progenitors, in setting the boundary of culture, reckon with playing football, especially a woman footballer who, seized by a spontaneous celebratory spirit, pulled off her shirt? This intolerance is rank intolerance. It is also failure to apprehend the fact that, unlike what operated in early centuries when religion was lord of the universe, religion has scant influence now. It is this same attitude that is taken to violent reactions to burning of the Quran and, in a lesser degree of bile, reactions to burning the Bible. When far-right politician, Islamphobic Rasmus Paludan, burnt the Quran in Sweden on January 21, 2023, a floodgate of reactions was opened into the debate. About two weeks before this in Stockholm, police claimed they authorized a protest by a man who wanted to burn the Torah and the Bible outside the Israeli Embassy. He said it was a riposte to Quran-burning outside a Stockholm mosque earlier by an Iraqi immigrant. Were these two Quran and Bible-burning exercises of freedom of expression? Did the culprits, in the process, infringe on the harm principle? The harm principle holds that actions of individuals should be limited only to preventing harm to other individuals. So, what harm is inflicted on a Christian or Muslim if the Quran or the Bible is burnt? Why are they bothered by outward appearances that do not endure, at the expense of the more enduring subject of the soul and humanity?

The defence by religionists is that burning those religious texts is deeply offensive and incites violence or hatred against some individuals or groups. Why can’t Bible and Quran burning incidents be seen as freedom of expression? Why must religionists go violent because a non-living object has been burnt but, in the same vein, see it as the wish of God when a human being is murdered? Does burning of a religious text, in any way, de-masculinize the religion? It has often been said that Muslims see the Quran as not just a book, but a sacred text which holds great spiritual and religious significance and a symbol of the Islamic faith. Its burning is then seen as a visceral attack and insult on Allah, as well as a desecration of Islam. If that is the case, why don’t we leave the all-powerful God to avenge infidels who desecrate the text? Is the God/god of a religion worthy of being worshipped if we have to fight for him?

In Nigeria, so many people have been killed by fanatics on the pretext of fighting for God. Gideon Akaluka was beheaded in Kano in 1995 by a group of nine Wahabists. A man who eventually rose to the zenith of Nigerian banking was even alleged to be part of the conspiracy. In May last year, Deborah Yakubu, a Home Economics sophomore at the Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto, was gruesomely murdered for having “blasphemed” Islam and Prophet Muhammed through a voice note on a WhatsApp group she left in response to another student’s post on Islam. She was forcibly pulled out of a room and her student colleagues repeatedly bayoneted her with stones and clubs. They then set her lifeless body on fire as they shouted “Allahu Akbar” (God is great). Till today, Nigerian government’s connivance in this horror is manifest in that, no one has since been brought to book.

There is no difference between the intolerance of those who killed Deborah, those who beheaded Akaluka, the ones calling for Davido’s head over his song and those heaping invectives on Oshoala. They are all united by pristine ignorance and Stone Age sheepish abidance to religious exegeses. One of such was a fellow called Bashir Ahmed, an ex-President Muhammad Buhari’s aide who labeled the video “hurtful” and “disrespectful.” To who? Must he listen to the song? Why not concentrate on listening to the usual Quranic recitation rhymes and leave those who wanted to enjoy Davido’s songs to bother about it? Why should it bother me that someone is tearing the Bible? Those religious texts are not in any way different from Friedrich Nietzsche’s Thus Says Zarathustra. They only assume greater importance in the way we deploy them for the betterment of our lives. The problem is tyranny of the mind, a war that the two religions – Christianity and Islam – inflict on the other person. Why not be content with what you believe in and go to heaven and give others the freedom to go to hell if they so wish? Why play God?

Dr Festus Adedayo, a lawyer, columnist and journalist writes from Ibadan, Oyo state.

Published

on

By

For the third time in a row, the Oyo APC is on the defensive regarding ministerial nominations. First, it was with Bayo Shittu, the outspoken and gregarious former communications minister whose selection angered the APC establishment in the state. In retrospect, the late Abiola Ajimobi was said to have led the pack for his rejection through proxy and eventually, public spats.

Followed by Sunday Dare, the soft-spoken immediate past minister of sports, whose appointment didn’t spark any furor within the party but who was nonetheless viewed with suspicion in part for his political aloofness and indifference, and given that a respected emir in the north and not some powerful elements within Oyo APC were said to have been instrumental and influential in his appointment.

And now, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, the gubernatorial candidate of the Accord Party in the last election, is in the eye of the storm after his ministerial nomination was made public. Of course, the sentiment flying around within the Oyo APC is that the former CBN deputy Governor has once again, in his characteristic manner, reaped what he has not sown. That he has indeed cornered what truly belongs to them. The disappointment, to modestly put it, is palpable. For some, the saying that you cannot eat your cake and still have it sounds preposterous. Because ultimately, Oloye Adelabu’s nomination implies that, contrary to conventional wisdom, it is quite possible to eat your cake and still have it. But note: only a few people can do that without losing their charm and charisma in the process. Perhaps more clearly, the hope of a united, stable, and indivisible APC in Oyo State is hanging on thin ice. Like it was in the past, the party is about to be plunged into another dungeon of bitter polarisation and catastrophic balkanization—a replica of the divisiveness that played out in the electoral misfortunes and setbacks of the 2019 and 2023 governorship polls.

Consequently, the growing disquiet, disgust, and disappointment that have been hooting, hovering, and simmering within the Oyo APC are about to explode into something more cataclysmic; each camp is bracing for the worst. With the ministerial nomination of Oloye Bayo Adelabu, efforts at fence mending, peacebuilding, and reconciliation might have hit a brick wall—they always have. In a way, you only need to read between the lines, especially from aggrieved party chieftains and stalwarts, check Mrs. Funke Adesiyan and Prof. Olowofela’s salvo to understand the situation better. For now, tensions are high but will simmer with time. Hopes and expectations are low, especially for those on the other side of the divide, but may peak as the government at the centre gathers steam. Those who wanted to have a decent shot at the national cake are now recalculating and recalibrating their expectations. The era of renewed hope might not renew their depleted pockets.

Again, the cries and hues of some chieftains and stalwarts of the party have equally underscored the dark side of politics: vengeance and revenge. It is like some elements within the Oyo APC have put a knife in the throat of the party, determined to kill the goose that laid the golden egg. In essence, those who had expected a messiah from President Bola Tinubu must be rethinking their stances now. The subtle message this nomination seems to be passing is quite startling: no messiah is forthcoming for Oyo APC. Rather than serving as a balm to the excruciating wound of the party, the nomination of Oloye Adelabu is now seen as a wedge cutting the supply of oxygen to the various parts of the party. Ironically, the same people who cried over the split milk of ‘Jagba’ in the last poll are now rejoicing and relishing in their own tactical manoeuvres and strategic manipulation and exploitation of the system and structure. It is what it is.

While the ministerial nomination has been tagged more as a reward for the politicians than an attempt to have more technocrats driving the needed reform in the new government, in the pace-setter state, the reverse is the case: a reward but not for loyal party members. For the umpteenth time, we are witnessing the downward spiral of loyalty in party politics. For instance, those who laboured for the success of APC are now gritting their teeth in disappointment. In today’s politics, loyalty may not be the only saving grace or holy grail for either political relevance or survival. You might need more than that to sail through the hurdles of power and principalities. But make no mistake, Oloye Bayo Adelabu, like a seasoned and experienced power (commodity) trader, only saw a loophole and capitalised on it. For example, the idea that you may have to go through conventional means to get what you want in politics has been demystified repeatedly by the ‘Agbakin’ of Ibadan land.

When the race for the 2019 APC governorship ticket reached a crescendo, speculations against Oloye Bayo Adelabu were rife, but he prevailed. He got the ticket when nobody gave him the benefit of the doubt. He’s been bullish. Undaunted and relentless in the pursuit of his dream, even when it means going the extra mile, Rather than rely on the wisdom of the crowd, Oloye Adelabu has demonstrated his uncanny ability to pull some of the biggest and heaviest political stunts in the state. With mirthful abandon, the minister-designate has continued to shock his adversaries in all spheres. But we might be missing an important point in this conversation: the power of narrative. Apart from the interplay of money and sentiment that worked in favour of Oloye Bayo Adelabu, one other significant factor that might have tilted the game on his side is the careful use of narrative. He was the APC flagbearer in the 2019 governorship, where he came second.

In 2022, the party structure was hijacked, and tickets were doled out to the favorites and loyalists of Senator Teslim Folarin, the mastermind of that hijacking. That he was forced out of the party alongside President Tinubu’s associates. And finally, Ibadan hasn’t produced a minister in the APC government. The narrative is compelling and interesting, but not entirely correct. Unlike in 2019, when the party ticket was handed to him like candy to a recalcitrant child, the 2022 race for the APC gubernatorial ticket was more of a serious undertaking, the ticket was visibly beyond the reach of his contacts. In any way, Oloye Adelabu might be a bookworm, but he has a lot to learn about politics. His contacts, connections, reach, and network might have worked wonderfully for him in the past and even now, but they surely have limits.

Muftau Gbadegesin writes from Oyo state. He can be reached via @TheGMAKing on Twitter, [email protected] and 09065176850

Tinubu – Don’t destroy APC in Oyo State | By Adeniyi Olowofela

Oyo Rep, Oseni gets committee’s chairman

Kano: NDLEA busts syndicate, confiscates 1,500kg of cannabis

Loyalty for sale | By Muftau Gbadegesin